The Czech Republic Essay

Throughout Eastern Europe and the world history and politics have infiltrated the lives of many individuals, especially writers. The influence which history and politics has on writers is usually reflected in their literary works. One example of a writer whose works reflect the influence which history and politics had upon him is Vaclav Havel, the former president of Czechoslovakia (1989-1992) and the Czech Republic (1993-2003). In the following essay I will illustrate how Havel’s life and literary works have been influence by the history and politics of his country, Czechoslovakia.

Biography
Vaclav Havel was born on October 5, 1936 in Prague, Czechoslovakia to a family to which owned a successful restaurant business. Unfortunately, in 1948 Havel’s family’s successful business was harshly affected by the Communist domination of Eastern Europe. Because of their successful business and acquired wealth, Havel’s family was viewed by the state as being class enemies. As a result, the state confiscated the family’s wealth and assigned them to low paying employment positions. In addition, the children of the family were denied access to the state educational system beyond the elementary level. Despite this, Havel was able to take night classes in order to finish high school and later spent two years at a technical university studying economics.

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In 1959, Havel found employment as a stagehand at Prague’s ABC Theater after being denied admission to the university drama school in Prague. During his employment at the ABC Theater, Havel actively pursued playwriting and later became involved in the reforms of 1968 (Prague Spring). During this period of attempted reforms, Czech intellectuals began to push for a liberal restructuring of the Czech Communist system and a break away from the Soviet form of Communism. A Soviet invasion suppressed the Prague Spring and because of his protest to this invasion, authorities banned Havel works. However, Havel continued to write numerous articles and essays for secret, unofficial publications. Authorities offered him several opportunities to leave the country but he declined as he had decided to remain in Czechoslovakia and work for change for the citizens. Along with hundreds of Czech intellectuals, in 1977 Havel helped to orchestrate and produce Charter 77, a document dedicated to ensuring that Czech citizens were afforded basic human rights.

Unfortunately, Havel was arrested before Charter 77 was dispersed and in 1978 he was tried, convicted and sentenced to four and a half years in prison for involvement with a group called the Committee for Defense of the Unjustly Persecuted.

Havel was released in 1983 and, though under constant surveillance, continued to criticize the government through the underground press. He spent another nine months in prison in 1989 for involvement with protests associated with the reforms of that year. However, in 1989 Civil Forum, an opposition movement dedicated to democratic reforms which Havel helped to form, gained momentum and culminated in the Velvet Revolution of 1989. In December 1989, the Communist Party capitulated and formed a coalition government with the Civic Forum. Havel, along with other opposition supporters, soon demanded the resignation of President Gustav Husak, who quickly succumbed. On December 29, 1989 Havel was elected as interim president of Czechoslovakia, and he was reelected president in July 1990. He resigned from office briefly in 1992 when the Slovak parliament passed its own constitution. Soon after, the nation split into two separate nations: the Czech Republic and Slovakia. In 1993, Havel was elected president of the Czech Republic. However, his political role was limited as Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus commanded much of the power. In 1998, Havel was reelected by a narrow margin. Barred constitutionally from seeking a third term, Havel stepped down as president in 2003.

Major Literary Works and Literary Appraisal
Although internationally Havel is best known for being the president of the Czech Republic, his finest work is his writing, as proved by his prize-winning plays. Many have regarded Havel as the most original Czech dramatist to emerge in the 1960s. He is arguable one of the greatest writers to emerge out of Eastern Europe during the Cold War Era. Havel’s high international popularity and praise is the result of his writing in the following works:

Havel staged his first independent full-length play, The Garden Party, in 1963 when he was 27. During the 1960s Havel also wrote two other major plays: The Memorandum (1965) and The Increased Difficulty of Concentration (1968). Both of these works received American Obie awards. In the 1970s he wrote The Conspirators (1970), his own version of John Gay’s The Beggar’s Opera (1972), and A Hotel in the Hills (1976). His major plays of the 1980s include Largo Desolato (1984), named a best Play of 1986 for Broadway and off-Broadway, and Temptation 1985). Havel has also written many works which illustrate his political philosophies, such as Living in Truth (1986), which awarded Havel with the Erasmus Prize in 1986, and “Letter to Dr. Gustav Husak, General Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party” (1975).

Other political essays by Havel include “Open Letters” (1977), “The Power of the Powerless” (1978), “Politics and Conscience” (1984), “Thriller” (1984) and “An Anatomy of Reticence” (1985). Many of these essays dealt with the political, spiritual, and moral degradation of the Czech people and encouraged the Czechs to overthrow the inhumane dictatorship under the Iron Curtain. Another famous piece of Havel’s is Letters to Olga (1989) which is a collections of 123 letters which Havel wrote while he was imprisoned in the late 1970s and early 1980s. One of Havel’s most recent works is Summer Meditations (1992), a set of essays which he wrote while he was president of Czechoslovakia in which he expresses the difficulties he faced during this period of transition.

Summary of Havel’s Major Themes
Vaclav Havel insists that in all of his writings his starting point is his own experience. The events of his life have provided recurring themes for both his plays and his essay. These themes will be illustrated below:

Many of Havel’s pieces, such as The Memorandum and The Silenced Theatre, revolve around the themes of the political power and distortion of language by bureaucracy. In The Silenced Theatre, Havel’s main concern is the power of language as a perpetuator of systems and a tool to influence man’s mind. In Memorandum, Havel creates an artificial language designed to make all office communication precise and unemotional. In this play, the main action is established by the rise and fall of an office manager, as a result of his inability to use the new language. The man makes an artificial language which is intended to render communication perfect and objective, but it actually leads to constantly deepening alienation and disturbances in human relations. As exemplified in these works, Havel feels that the strongest, although secret, weapon of any system that wants to control its people is language. Thus, it is quite clear how living under the Czech Communist government shaped Havel’s mindset. Just as the Soviet Union controlled its people’s expression of language, the characters in Havel’s works were controlled by language.

Havel’s experience of being arrested because he was involved in the Charter 77 movement is expressed in the themes of the following plays: A Private View and Largo Desolato. These plays, like many of Havel’s plays, are linked by the common theme of outsiders in conflict with an oppressive social order. In A Private View, the main character is a mild-mannered, steel-cored dissident artist who seeks to change the existing social order. In Largo Desolato, the protagonist is another dissident writer who is tormented both by government thugs, who watch over and interrogate him, and an assortment of friends, fans, and well-wishers who continually remind him of their expectations of him. Clearly, Havel shaped these characters based on his view of himself. In addition, both of these plays deal with the issues of civil and human rights and the dehumanization of man within the increasing mechanization of society.

In addition to the above mention themes, many of Havel’s other works revolve around the themes of betrayal, manipulation, exile, and isolation as well as truth, responsibility, and the search for identity. Most of Havel’s works also seem to focus on the respect for individual worth and individuals’ need for dignity. These themes are obviously the result of Havel’s life experiences living under the oppressive Communist regime of Czechoslovakia.

Analysis of The Garden Party
Havel’s first play, The Garden Party, exposes the bureaucratization of life and deformation of intellect by a totalitarian social system. At the opening of the play, the Pludek parents, worrying about their two adult sons’ futures, push the dull son, Hugo, to attend a garden party of the Liquidation Office in hopes of his finding some position. Once there, Hugo hears the officially sanctioned ideas, begins mimicking the verbal idiocies, and finds its meaninglessness his perfect element. Quickly, he becomes the leader of the Liquidation Office, then the Inauguration Office, and lastly the leader of a new Central Committee for Inauguration and liquidation charged with liquidating liquidation. Hugo, who is transplanted into current Czech settings, meets its endemic bureaucracy and conquers, but only at a cost. When he returns home, his parents and he discuss his success entirely in the third person. His identity as a distinct individual recognizable to himself and others is thus gone.

With actions sparse and character development unmotivated, The Garden Party is dominated by language. Havel inventively puts on stage all sorts of diverting and diversionary verbal language to satirize the language of bureaucracy as nonsensical. Audiences anywhere would laugh at the innumerable hilarious lines. Quotes from old poems of the English Renaissance would remind them that once words, and human life itself, had meaning. However, Czech audiences would recognize in the socialist-sounding rhetoric their very own linguistic environment and would make the clear connection between this play and the Soviet imposed Communist government of Czechoslovakia.

Conclusion
Therefore, as illustrated above, the history and politics of Czechoslovakia during the Cold War had a significant impact upon Vaclav Havel and his literary works. Many of the characteristics of life living under an oppressive Communist regime, such as the dehumanization of man, the mechanization of society, as well as betrayal, manipulation, exile, and isolation, have infiltrated many of Havel’s works. Based on this, we can make the conclusion that history and politics are very influential on people’s lives.

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Essay on Chile

The nation of Chile, just slightly larger than the state of Texas, achieved independence in 1818. Until 1830, the fledgling nation was in a state of chaos when Diego Portales ushered in the period of the autocratic republic. This period, from 1830-1861, was a time of firm-handed rule tempered by moderation. Conservative landowners and merchants were in control of a centralized government, and an 1833 constitution endured until 1925. The Conservatives, though challenged by a strengthening liberal movement begun in the 1840’s, managed to maintain control until 1873.

The Liberals, allied with the Radicals, assumed control from the Conservatives and the period from 1875-1885 witnessed considerable modification of the national political institutions. The church lost many privileges, including power over education, suffrage was extended, and ministers were made responsible to Congress.

During this, Chile’s early nationhood, political change was constitutionally driven and peaceful, and the resulting stability allowed for a steady economic development. Strong political organization was the deciding factor in Chile’s defeat of Bolivia and Peru in the War of the Pacific and subsequent conquest over the indigent Indians in the far reaches of its territory. The war yielded a bounty of an expansion of the northern borders; lands which are rich in nitrate and copper deposits. Chile’s economy was reliant on primary exports of which wheat, copper, and sodium nitrate dominated. The resources from the new lands added to the already strong mining industry to make Chile’s sodium nitrate deposits the largest in the world (Encyclopedia Americana, 2002).

Following civil war in 1886, a parliamentary style government moved toward an unregulated market economy, which prevailed until 1925. Marred by problems of violent labor strikes, the country experienced a rural-to-urban population shift; labor exploitation prospered. Urban industrial expansion followed the new labor force and was geared to providing finished products for the consumer market (Pike, 2002).

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Under a new Constitution adopted in 1925, presidential rule was reestablished and the separation of church and state was imposed. New social justice codes were also established. From 1927 until 1929 (the year of the world depression), Chile flourished economically with the generous foreign investment of the United States and other foreign capital, as well as, its near monopolistic production of sodium nitrate. Then disaster struck.

Chile fell into the great world depression of the early thirties while simultaneously, newly developed synthetics drastically reduced world demand for sodium nitrate. Ironically, in 1931, then President Ibanez resigned and a brief period of political instability followed, coinciding with the depression. Exports dropped by 85% and imports by 80% between 1929 and 1932 (Loveman, 2002a). Mass unemployment swelled and the urban labor built shantytowns.

Although political chaos ended with the election of Arturo Alessandri in 1932, the scarcity of imported goods and the shortage of foreign currency from the depression and WWII , made manufacturing development a major concern. Industry expanded into the production of steel and automotives. Chile installed high import tariffs to protect these industries thus making them susceptible to loss of protection with future governmental changes. Additionally, balance of trade deficits developed along with fiscal crises, due to the continued reliance on copper and nitrates exports for the majority of foreign exchange.

Through the early seventies, Chile continued the trend toward urbanization and industrialization. Spurred by the creation of the National Development Corporation (CORPO), industry continued to expand into textiles, chemicals, locomotives, armaments, rubber and glass, among many others. Education and health care were also expanded. Chile continued; however, to ignore its agricultural industry, failing to modernize and the subsidies and tariff protections afforded to support the new industries made them uncompetitive in world trade and contributed to the spiraling inflationary problems; as high as 86% in 1956 (Loveman, 2002b). Further, foreign investment by the United States lead to non-Chilean domination of the key mining and industrial sectors.

Elected in 1964, Eduardo Frei initiated dramatic reforms to right the economy. He began the process of nationalizing Chile’s copper and mining industries, began agrarian reforms, began redistribution of wealth programs, and expansion of social programs. The administration took on large-scale construction projects, provided credit for agricultural and industrial expansion, and encouraged foreign economic investment. It also fueled the creation of farm labor unions, and the populace into cooperatives and unions. All of this was funded by high world market prices for copper and aid from the U.S. Alliance for Progress.

Frei’s successor, Salvadore Allende then finished the nationalization of the U.S. copper firms and all private banks, and accelerated land redistribution. Allende was the world’s first democratically elected Marxist president in Latin America. Allende’s attempt to socialize Chile initially improved living conditions, wages for civil workers, and generated economic expansion. This at the ire of the U.S. and domestic opposition. As opposition intensified, the price of copper fell, food imports increased, foreign reserves declined, and inflation spiraled to over 160% in 1972 (Loveman, 2002c).

The U.S. influenced the World Bank to deny new aid to Allende’s administration and persuade the InterAmerican Development Bank to reduce its loans to Chile. In 1973, the bottom fell out. Inflation swelled to over 700% annually and finally the Congress declared the Allende government unconstitutional (Loveman, 2002d). Led by Pinochet, a military junta killed Allende while he was defending the presidential palace. Pinochet, financed by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, declared a new authoritarian democracy and took the reigns of Chile’s future (Pearson, 2002).

Economic Resurgence
Under the military dictatorship of President Pinochet, opposition and political rivals were suppressed, and Pinochet began a campaign of economic reform designed to privatize the national economic entities. The government returned many factories, banks and expropriated lands to private owners. Health, social security, and educational programs were decentralized and privatized. On the dark side, Pinochet outlawed opposing political parties, dissolved the national labor confederation, censored the press, and arrested tortured, and killed thousands of Chileans.

In his effort to adopt a free market economy, Pinochet recruited from the Chicago School of Economics and the ideals of Milton Friedman. A government group of economists trained at the University of Chicago, dubbed the “Chicago Boys”, were handed control of the Chilean economy. Their programs worked to further dismantle or decentralize the Chilean state are far as was humanly possible. They began by deregulating the market, liberalizing trade, rolling back trade unions, and rewriting the constitution and laws (Kangas, 1993a).

In 1975, the Chicago boys held an economic seminar that received national attention. The guest speakers were prominent economists from all over the world, among them was Milton Friedman. The plan they presented as “shock treatment” to revive the Chilean economy was unveiled and praised by these economists. The plan called for drastically reducing the money supply and government spending, privatization of government services, massive deregulation of the market, and liberalization of international trade. The plan was jointly designed by the Chicago Boys, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank and was a precondition for future loans (Kangas, 1993b).

Soon after the conference, the new government instituted the Economic Recovery Program (ERP). The initial phase of reducing the money supply and government spending resulted in a sharp reduction in inflation. At the same time it drove unemployment to 18.7% in 1975, and output fell to 12.9%, resulting in a shocking recession (Kangas, 1993c). However, by mid-1976 the economy began its recovery and from 1978-1981, the infamous “Economic Miracle” had been achieved. With nearly all restrictions lifted on foreign direct investment, loans and foreign investment flooded the economy (Kangas, 1993d).

The Chicago Boys reduced import duties to a maximum base level of 10% and virtually eliminated all other trade barriers (Yevenes, 1982a). This reduction effectively removed the protection devices that shielded the Chilean manufacturers and forced them to compete internationally or dissolve. It also reduced the cost of imports, allowing for increased capital investment. Exports increased also, as the comparative advantage theory predicts.

The general idea behind this comparative advantage theory is that a country should specialize in what it does best and import where it is inefficient. This would mean the loss of such industries as auto-making and appliance manufacturing in Chile, yet invigorated industries based on the nation’s natural resources. These invigorated industries include agriculture, mineral production, marine industries, and timber.

The downside to this program is a sharp rise in foreign debt. Imports became so much cheaper that importing foreign consumer products meant the expenditure of billions of dollars. Half of this debt was financed with short-term loans from international banks operating on the Euro-dollar market, the other half by the strong marketing of exports (Yevenes, 1982b).

Additionally, between 1977 and 1981, 80% of Chile’s growth was in unproductive sectors, i.e., marketing and financial services. This was driven by speculation to capitalize on Chile’s extremely high interest rates. In 1977, this was 51% for Chile, the highest in the world (Kangas, 1993e).

Chile was hit extremely hard by the 1982 international recession as foreign capital and markets dried up, and was harnessed by astronomical interest rates on its massive foreign debt. Unemployment soared to a high of 34.6% in 1983, and manufacturing production fell 28% (Kangas, 1993f). The large financial groups were devastated and with tight money supply in Chile, industry went bankrupt. Government intervention was inevitable.

The Pinochet regime was forced to move away from some of the market reforms of the Chicago Boys, and prop up banks and other industries to prevent their collapse. The government devalued the peso by 18% and the decree of free float weeks later devalued the currency another 55% (Yevenes, 1982c). Further, the government intervened in the production of goods and services as more than 1300 large industries had already defaulted. Next, the government issued a decree to loosen the money supply to slow the unemployment rate (Yevenes, 1983d). The IMF stepped in providing bailout loans to float Chile’s massive debt—a staggering US$7.7 billion (Kangas, 1993g).

The economy responded and began recovering in 1984. By 1986 Chile was again experiencing exceptional growth at an average of 7.7% between 1986 and 1989 (Kangas, 1993h). The problem was, as before, the growth was actual growth, not potential growth. In reality, the laid off workers returned to work but the potential productivity was never reached because no new capacity was installed.

Still, the revolutionary reforms installed by the Chicago Boys achieved an annual growth in per capita real income of an average of 5% between 1985 and 1996, an astounding rate and far above that of any other Latin American country (Becker, 1997). With Pinochet’s resignation in 1990, the military dictatorship was dismantled and Congress and political parties resumed functioning. The civilian succeeding governments carried on the free market programs instituted by the Chicago Boys, but with some changes; a drastic increase in spending on social programs for one (Loveman, 2002e). In 1997, political competition and direct presidential elections were restored and a National Security Council was established to keep the military in its proper place in national politics. In the same year, the World Trade Organization praised Chile’s achievements in liberalizing trade and reducing inflation; however, the economy still depends heavily on the market prices of exports—particularly copper (Loveman, 2002f).

Currently, thanks to restored democracy and hence heavy government investment in domestic social programs, Chile is again on a stable economic footing. Its financial institutions are strong, and real GDP growth was just over 5% for year 2000 (Chile Economy, 1999a). The peso is allowed to float freely on the international market and closed the year 2001 at 669.14 pesos/dollar (Economy Report-Chile, 2002a).

Several factors are responsible for this bright economic outlook. Asian markets and copper prices worldwide have rebounded strongly since 2000 and this, along with Chile’s focus on strong economic macroeconomic management and the shift from short-term to long-term foreign capital inflows, has lead to an economic resurgence. Unemployment has fallen to around 10%, interest rates continue a long decline, and the Central Bank has relaxed its monetary stance (Chile Economy, 1999b). Inflation was checked at 2.6% in 2001 and the balance of payments deficit was down to 1.6% of GDP (Economy Report-Chile, 2002b). Private consumption is expected to increase over the next year and economic growth will rely heavily on this increased internal demand (Chile PBS, 2002).

Adding to the resurgence was Chile’s newfound membership in Mercosur in 1996, as well as, free trade agreements with Mexico and Canada thereafter. As the next new member in line for membership in NAFTA and several other pending trade agreements, Chile’s outlook is great, and looks very attractive for foreign trade and investment.

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Essay on Brazil

Brazil is the largest country in Latin America and also the fifth largest country in the world. It shares common borders with every country except Ecuador and Chile. It has a coastline of over 9170 kilometers, almost all of it along the South Atlantic Ocean. More than half of Brazil lies at about 200 meters above sea level with the Great Escarpments running along the coast. Arable land is found in the South but this is changing with the development of agriculture in the Central-West and the North. Tropical forest cover vast areas in the Amazon region. Most of Brazil is in the tropical zone, except the southern part which is the temperate zone. It is hot and humid along the coastline and in the North. There is drought in the Northeast region.

Brazil is very rich in its natural resources. Besides the traditional cocoa and coffee, it is also a major exporter of soybeans, orange juices and many other tropical crops. As for mineral resources, it has some of the world's largest iron ore deposits and is now one the biggest gold producers. It also produces crude oil and since the energy crisis is the 70s, developed its alcohol industry from sugar cane. The largest hydroelectric power producer in the world, the Itaipu dam, is in the extreme southwest. The fishing potential along the coastline is also significant. The Amazon basin with its tropical rain forest also offer great possibilities for wood related products although this is under much international pressure.

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The population is around 162.88 million and growing at around 2 percent per year. Over 90% live on 10% of the land. 75% of the population is urban while 25% are rural dwellers. Around 30% live in the ten principle metropolitan areas. 55% of the population is under 20 years of age and less than 10 % is over 60. The average life expectancy is 63 years. The majority of Brazilians are of European of African descent. The main ethic groups include the Portuguese, mulatto, black, Italian, German and Japanese. The official language is Portuguese. However, English is the foreign language used by the business community. The literacy rate is around 75%. Around 5% of students go to higher education.

The metropolitan areas of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro have populations of around 15 million and 10 million. There are also 20 other major cities of other 1 million including Brasilia, the capital, Curitiba, Fortaleza, Porto Algre, Recife and Salvador.

Going on to Brazil's political climate and forces, it has been a Portuguese colony for 300 years since its discovery in 1500. Brazil became a republic in 1889. In its periods as a colony, the infrastructure was built to provide the exploitation of resources for its mother country, that is to export raw materials. The Republic is divided into the federal and state governments. There are 23 states, 3 territories and 1 federal district. The federal government is divided into the executive, the legislature and judiciary. The President is the head of the executive branch with a number of executive departments which the heads form the Cabinet. The legislative branch, the Congress is made up of the Senate and the house of Representatives. The judicial branch consists of a system of federal, state and local courts throughout the country, headed by the Supreme Court.

The Federative (Federal) Republic of Brazil went through a period of military autocratic regime through 1964 to 1990 until the first popularly elected president since 1960, Fernado Collor de Mello. Although the chance of the military of having a coup is slim, they still remain a strong political force. This is because the armed forces have not suffered a national defeat, such as the Argentine military did in the Falklands War, and because the military government was not taken to court for its mistreatment of citizens. The military favors a nationalist economic policy, promoting development and strength based on national security requirements. This in turn created an industrial policy aimed at achieving self-sufficiency in modern weapons systems. Brazil is the world's fifth-largest exporter of armaments.

President Collor had significant support and vowed on reform on the much needed economic policy. He planned to lower tariffs, control inflation, promote free trade and to reduce the over bloated public sector. However, in 1992, he had to resign due to charges on corruption. His successor, Collor's vice president, Itamar Franco was seen as indecisive in economic matters. He changed economic ministers three times in his two years as president in unsuccessful attempts to control inflation. He chose to make increasing growth as has priority rather than reducing inflation. On a already huge deficit, he tried to increase government spending to stimulate growth.

The president elected on October 3rd (although he still needs to go through the second round in November 15th) Fernando Henrique Cardoso was Franco's last finance minister. He pushed through a stabilization program which included raising income tax rates on both companies and wage earners. He put a heavier responsibility on the middle class and the rich. He has introduced the "Real Plan", which includes the introduction of a new currency, the real, which in a matter of months cut inflation from 50% a month in June to just under 2% in September. The plan deindexed wages and balanced federal budget. He also plans to cut federal expenditure and to privatize money-losing state companies, such as the government monopoly of telecommunications which were previously viewed as too sensitive in national interest to be sold to the public.

Luis Inacio Da Silva, commonly known as Lula, was the second runner up in the two most recent presidential elections. He is president of the Workers Party (PT) and stresses social justice, restraints on market capitalism, limits to integration with the world economy, debt relief and a large state role. He represents the left wing of the Brazilian politics which is growing in importance.

Since 71% of the population is Roman Catholic, the Brazilian Church has traditionally had great influence in the political scene. In recent years, Vatican has strengthened controls over the Brazilian church and making it more conservative. However, the church still maintains a left-of-center social-action wing which excising influence on voting results. The Brazilian church is closely related to the poorer and express sympathies and support for PT.

The current presidential elections would put an end to the recent political turmoil. However, as president, Cardoso would still have to face an over represented Congress from the poorer North and Northeast regions and one that greatly hinders the power of the President through the 1988 Constitution Amendments. This would make the President have greater problems in carrying economic reforms because the business community and the powerful are well represented in the Congress. With 19 political parties and a weak government after years of military involvement, the government has shown little ability for a coherent economic plan. However, continuous hyper-inflation has caused much dissatisfaction among citizens and Cardoso seems to be making the right decisions, at least in this aspect. Therefore, a market with greater economic stability and freedom and a government with a more coherent economic strategy is to be expected.

As indicated above, Brazil as a culture is a very mixed and culturally diverse country. Many are European in origin but with much native blood. Brazilians are viewed as passionate, open and patriotic especially when it comes to soccer in the eyes of the western world. However, they are also conservative, especially when related to religion. Since over 70% of the population is Roman Catholic, the Vatican conservative values also greatly influence the everyday Brazilian. The business hours for the normal working day is eight hours, Monday to Friday. Besides Independence Day and other Christian holidays, the Carnival (Mardi Cras) in February/March each year causes a standstill to all businesses Monday through Wednesday.

There are great disparities in income distributions with 60% of the national wealth concentrated in the hands of 1% of the population. An estimated 20% of the population lives below the poverty line, often in urban slums, defined as half or less of the family income needed for minimal levels of food and shelter. There are also indigenous tribes living in the Amazon Basin. The rich are considered to be westernized and very European. The poor are viewed as infested with crime and disease.

Nearly half the population is black or mulatto. Deep divisions exist between whites and blacks. A century after the abolition of slavery, blacks lack adequate political representation, education, housing and health care. Their living standards are also far below those of white Brazilians. In the 19th century, German, Lebanese, and Italian immigrants began to arrive in Brazil. In the beginning of the 20th century, there was an onset of Japanese immigration to Brazil, a trend which has increased almost exponentially to this day.

The investment and business environment for Brazil has been doing well. In the 1970s, Brazil was viewed as the economic miracle among the developing countries because of its vast natural resources, abundant human resources and the fast increasing industrial base. However, in the 1980s and 90s, because of its foreign debt crisis, a worldwide recession, its semi-skilled or unskilled labour and decrease in price in most commodities, high inflation rate and slow economic growth throughout South America has shifted its importance and therefore investment funds to the Pacific Rim - South East Asia. However, for Canadian businesses, the South American continent offers great opportunities for its vast consumer base, location, and its similarities in language and culture.

The Brazilian government supports free enterprise and the free-trade system. However, state and semistate entities still control nearly all the public utility sectors and the petroleum industry and oligopolistic situations. Brazil was a relatively closed economy in the 1970s and 1980s. In 1993, exports and imports were about 8.7 and 5.8 percent of GDP.

The two main economic problems Brazil is facing is slow economic growth and hyper inflation. the average annual inflation between the years 1989-1993 was 1533% and the real GDP growth (%) of around 0.3%. Therefore the government policy in recent years has been to promote economic growth.

Economic development plans are set up to:
* achieve a more even distribution of income and wealth on both an individual and a regional basis.
* reduce the foreign debt.
* reduce inflation to manageable levels through cost reduction and control of monetary expansion.
* continue foreign trade surpluses
* develop the agriculture sector.
* upgrade the labour force.
* privatize the public sector companies.
* strengthen the local capital market.

Started by President Collor, the National Privatization Program was to privatize many steel, petrochemical and fertilizer companies. A free-trade zone is also available in Manaus in the North and is used to attract business to the Amazon Basin. As for overseas trade relations, Brazil is a member of the Latin American Integration Association (LAIA) and the signatory to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). By December 1994, Mervosul, an agreement between Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay would gradually lower tariffs until they gradually reach zero in 1995. The agreement would also provide coordinated policies between these countries. There is also a Brazil-Argentina bilateral agreement that would increase trade between these two countries. The general trend is the lowering of trade barriers and import duties in Brazil.

The government generally welcomes long term investment provided that the firm is committed to contribute to economic development, particularly those involved in the development of agriculture and technology and of labour intensive industries and the manufacturing of products that are currently imported and those that will increase export.

Although there are no federal tax incentives to attract foreign capital, many states and local government offer tax concessions especially at the poorer Northeast and Amazon regions.

Except for the above tax incentives, all corporations are subject to 26% corporation income tax which is high for a developing country. In the Manaus free-trade zone created in 1967, imported foreign goods are tax free, provided they are consumed within the zone or are exported abroad.

Although foreign capital is generally treated the same as local capital, some restriction still apply. There is strong control over foreign currency transactions and is monitored by the National Monetary Council, whose president is the Minister of Finance. All foreign currency loans also have to be approved by the Central Bank. When Brazil is short of foreign exchange, the Central Bank centralizes all foreign currency repatriation and remittance requests and releases foreign currency as and when it becomes available. This causes delays, although the Bank pay interest compensations.

There is restriction on foreign ownership in certain industries viewed as strategically important. This includes communications, aviation, classified government contracts, coastal and freshwater shipping, mining and hydroelectric energy, financial institutions, electronics, and privatized companies. Other than these, the foreign firms are generally allowed to have 100% foreign ownership. National capital companies, under the constitution may also receive temporary market protection or benefits in those activities considered to be important for national development. This included mines, mineral-resources exploration and electric power generation. There is limitation on rural land but there is no restriction on ownership of urban land and buildings.

The principle regulatory agents include the Central Bank (BACEN), the Security Commission (CVM), the Administrative Council for Economic Defense (CADE), the National Institute of Industrial Property (INPI), the Industrial Development Council (CDI) and the Foreign Trade Department (DECEX) of the Bank of Brazil.

Security markets are available with the principle stock exchanges in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. All public issues of securities have to be registered with the Securities Commission (CVM). The preparation and approval of a registration statement can be very time-consuming.

On the other hand, a wide range of credit and financial services are available from an extensive banking network. However, banking and financing business is regulated by the Central Bank. The major banks in the private sector have been organized into financial conglomerates, able to offer full range of financial services through subsidiary and association companies. A point to note is that Brazil is not an international financial center and offshore banking, trust and financial services are not allowed.

Imports have been generally been subject to high tariffs. However, these are generally starting to fall and deregulation of import procedures is also under way. Import licenses are controlled by DECEX, the Foreign Trade Department of the Bank of Brazil. The maximum import duty rate would be reduced to 40% by the end of 1994 and the modal rate is also scheduled at 20%.

For a corporation (sociedade por acoes), besides the 26% corporate tax, 15% tax is also charged on dividends. Although a corporation can be wholly foreign-owned, an investment with local participation is favored by the authorities. For the director of the corporation must hold a permanent visa and be domiciled in Brazil although nationality is not a restriction.

As for the labour force available, it is mainly semiskilled and unskilled. Skilled labour is short in supply. The labour force is approximately 62 million, or 41% of the total population. Women comprise 35 % of this force, and this percentage is projected to increase. All employees are required to hold work cards on which the terms of employment are recorded. Work permits are divided into 3 types of visas for foreign personnel. The Businessman's Visa for a temporary visit of 90 days, a Temporary Residence Visa which the holder is entitled to work in Brazil for two years and a Permanent Visa which is usually difficult to obtain unless for top executives of a foreign company. A foreigner must hold a Permanent Visa and be domiciled in Brazil to be able to serve as a director of a Brazilian subsidiary of a foreign company. All employers, with few exceptions are required to employ Brazilians in the proportion of at least two-thirds of their total personnel as regards both number and total remuneration. There is a minimum wage and labour unions have become more active especially following the 1989 national two day strike. Despite of this, labour unions generally do not cause much unrest.

Patent and trademark laws are available on a federal level. Environmental awareness has increased due to the international pressure, especially from the US. This has restricted the exploitation of resources from the forest.

Since the main economic policy is to increase exports, reduce foreign debt and inflation, there are tax free incentives for reinvesting government approved projects. Foreign firms can also buy the debt securities in the world market at a discount rate and reimburse it at full value in certain projects in Brazil.
There has not been much improvement in the railway system recently, while road transportation still dominates. However, the highways are not well maintained and construction of new highways has been slow in the recent years. The airline network is well developed and mainly privately owned. Urban transport poses significant problems especially in the metropolitan areas of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. The postal system is well developed while the telecommunication system still needs much improvement.

Another troubling aspect of doing business with the government is the cumbersome and corrupt bureaucracy. Sometimes, businesses must bypass the normal bureaucratic channels and seek the help of top-level government officials. Businesses must also use the highly specialized despachante system. For a fee, a broker would see papers signed and moved more rapidly than through the bureaucracy. Also, an estimated one-third of national legislators have placed relatives on the congressional payroll.

As we see now, Brazil's economy and democratic state is starting to do some good. U.S. relations has been in good terms with Brazil. This country is beginning to be a type of role model for the surrounding Latin American countries. A kind of leader for the rest of the South American countries. As of now Brazil is considered to be in a stable mode at the moment but whether or not that will stay, has to be seen in the future, because it has a tendency to be explosive.

Essay on Peru

The colonial city’s main square with its vaulted church, government buildings and curio shops interspersed with chic restaurants for the nouveau rich and tourists are in stark contrast to the surrounding dark alleys, which stretch blindly into another world. In one such alley, a hollow-eyed woman sitting on the sidewalk begging with her three small children looks harried and weary. They are ingrained with grime and, their clothes caked in dirt are mere rags. Their eyes, piercing and resigned seem accustomed to their invisibility. This is but one of the many faces of poverty in Peru. Like its fellow countries in Latin America it bears all the hallmarks of increasing urban chaos. In a country already burdened with high levels of poverty; the swiftness of urbanization, economic crisis and structural adjustment policies over the last fifty years have had a profound effect on Peru.

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Squatter settlements abound; the informal sector has swelled and great disparities between the rich and poor still exist. In fact, urban poverty is on the increase and this trend is not abating (J. Beall, 2000, p430). That being the case, this essay will examine this recent phenomena of urban poverty in Peru and, the initiatives the government has undertaken to overcome it. At the turn of the last century, Peru was a predominately agrarian based society with the bulk of its population and poor confined to rural areas. However, in the 1940s, Peru began its transition towards urbanization in earnest. To illustrate, in the 1940s, two out of three Peruvians lived in rural areas, by the 1980s two out three Peruvians lived in urban areas. The main influx of migrants has been most notable in the capital Lima, where the population grew from 8.6% in 1940 to 26% in 1980 (H. de Soto, 1989). Although today the influx of migrants to the capital has lost some of its momentum, it continues to grow and now accommodates about 35% of the nation’s population. This demographic shift in Peru can be attributed to continual economic instability, lack of arable land, property rights, development and decreasing labor demands in rural areas. As a result, people have been forced to look for more secure livelihoods. In addition, the increased mobility of the population due to the improved infrastructure throughout the country has enabled greater movement to areas where there are better prospects. Like moths to a flame, the growing awareness of the differences between the living standards of those who live in the cities and the rest of the country have attracted many who want to escape the grinding monotony of poverty (B. Melbourne, 2001). The unequal distribution of investment and development between the rural and urban areas has been one of the enduring qualities of poverty in Peru. The urban bias towards Metropolitan Lima and other urban areas, due to the centralization of government and industry has led to better social and welfare services, higher wages, greater employment options and education opportunities. As the table below clearly indicates, this is indeed the case in the capital, Lima (B. Melbourne, 2001).

However, Countryside Lima Access to safe water supply 25% 60% Access to sewage disposal 17% 51% Households with electricity 3% 55% Infant mortality (per thousand) 58 73 Weekly income (soles) 50 2,500 although the table shows development in the capital surpasses that of rural Peru; it fails to address the increasing disparities between the rich and poor in urban Peru. If one considers that 72% of Peru’s population dwells within urban areas then the table above clearly shows that a high proportion of the urban population still does not have access to basic services.

Therefore, the promised land that migrants seek is not always what it seems. The unprecedented urban growth of the last century combined with political and economic instability has found most governments struggling to deal with this problem.

Furthermore, the threat a growing migrant population has posed to the status quo of the elite has been met with increasing hostility and discrimination, making integration harder (H. de Soto, 1989). Consequently, the lack of commitment and funds to provide adequate housing, basic social and welfare services and the exclusion from legally established social and economic activities has meant that poorer migrants have had to fend for themselves with whatever resources they have had at hand. As Jo Beall (2000) claims, there is often great inequality within cities. Even though the poor are closer to better facilities and services, this does not automatically mean they are able to afford or access them. The repercussions of this hostile reception has led to, burgeoning squatter settlements where in 1990, half of Lima’s population was contained in 400 settlements surrounding Lima and Callao (Library of Congress Country Studies, 1992). Moreover, the lack of employment options for unskilled workers have resulted in an expanding informal sector; for example, in Peru, 45% of the urban population are involved in the informal sector (Poverty Net Library, 1999). Thus livelihoods are less secure and more vulnerable to economic fluctuations. So, instead of the promised land, many migrants find themselves excluded from mainstream society, making a subsistence living in poor and inadequate conditions (P.Harrison, 1993, p150). The adverse conditions urban migrants in developing countries, find themselves in has led to an increasing concentration of poverty in urban areas over the last few decades, and Peru is no exception (E. Wratten, 1995). Today, 50% of Peru’s population (26 million) lives in poverty and, whereas this was generally considered a rural dilemma, a significant shift is taking place. In 1970, urban poverty accounted for 28% of the population, in 2000 it has increased to approximately 55%. Furthermore, while the incidence of poverty has slightly decreased in metropolitan Lima, it has significantly increased on the urban coast from 52% to 58%.

Therefore, whereas poverty had been more concentrated in rural areas, today urban poverty is overtaking that of rural areas. Although, the depth and severity of those living in poverty is still the plight of rural areas. Furthermore, the distribution of income and assets is still very unequal, in 1994 the Gini co-efficient increased slightly from 0.695 to 0.726 in 1997, which indicates that the gap between the rich and poor is growing wider (Japan Bank for International Cooperation, 2001). Previous governments have always been aware of the need to deal with poverty, but in the past it merely paid lip service than really tackling the problem head on. Today, poverty is not confined to the distant regions where out of sight, out of mind might be the case. It is now an increasingly visible entity in urban Peru, and governments have realized that poverty will not disappear with a sleight of the hand. Therefore, governments have begun to approach poverty in a more comprehensive way. In the 1990s, pro - poor programs were set up to counteract structural adjustment policies and to provide better targeting of the most socially vulnerable. In addition, the government implemented legal reforms to improve coordination of programs between ministries and agencies involved in food provision, nutrition, health services, education, housing and basic infrastructure. Also, social expenditure increased from 4% of GDP in 1993 to 7% in 1998. Although this is still well below the regional average of 12%, the amount of expenditure allocated to poverty reduction has effectively doubled. These measures have resulted in better access to basic social and welfare services, a significant drop in infant and maternal mortality, increased access to secondary education and decreased illiteracy rates.

While there has been some success in reducing or alleviating poverty, the fluctuating poverty levels which, seem to be a notable feature of Peru today indicate that, the government still needs to be more committed and consistent in its approach towards poverty alleviation. The last four years of economic recession and continuing structural adjustment have had a huge impact on the poor and the government’s ability to ameliorate poverty. However, these are not the only factors, which have hindered the government’s performance in this area. The government’s priorities in spending still favor reinvestment into the international financial markets, servicing its foreign debt and maintaining an excessive bureaucracy, making poverty reduction a secondary consideration. Furthermore, the Peruvian public administration continues to suffer from poor accountability, inadequate policy coordination resulting in program duplication and, a reduced capacity to perform the functions for which they were established due to insufficient funding. Also, the lack of commitment on the government’s part to separate social policy from politics has encouraged over ambitious social policies aimed at short-term rather than long-term gains.

To conclude, Peru’s turbulent past has been characterized by political, economic and social instability. Through it all one quality of Peruvian society has endured: the legacy of poverty. Poverty has largely been thought of as a rural phenomenon but, today it is joining the exodus to the cities and is now firmly taking root. The shear numbers arriving have ensured that the government cannot keep pace with the provision of adequate services to accommodate them; hence, urban poverty has increased significantly and is in danger of becoming a permanent fixture. In fact, Peru is well on its way to fulfilling projections for this century, which suggest that Latin America will be the most urbanized region in the developing world with the majority of poor living in cities or towns. If this is so, then the challenges, which face the Peruvian government, are indeed greater and more pressing than ever before.

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Essay on France Country

Essay about France

You have probably heard of this famous wine, Champaign, the one that people would say, “If it’s not from France, it’s not Champagne!” The wines that were produced in France are mostly reckoned as superior, as if people still think that France is the country of elegance monarchs.

France is the largest country in the Western Europe, with the fifth largest population in Europe, located at 42’N/2’E. France is bordering the Bay of Biscay and English Channel, between Belgium and Spain, southeast of UK. France has a total area of 547,030 sq. km, land area of 545,630 sq. km, and water area of 1400 sq. km. The size of France is slightly less than twice the size of Colorado. Geography affects culture in many ways. Overall, French culture is mostly affected these three themes of Geography: Movement, place, and interaction.

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Like any other European nations, the history of France has started with movements of people, goods, and ideas. Since its prehistoric times, France has been a crossroads of travel, trade and invasion. Because of is temperate climate and endless prairies, ancient people often settled in France while migrating to somewhere else. Early days, tribes of Celts and other people lived in what is now France. Later Julius Caesar conquered the entire region between 58 and 51 B.C. Three basic European ethnic stocks, Celtic, Latin, and Teutonic, have blended over the centuries to make up its present population. France is one of the worldwide leading trading nations.

Historically, agriculture was one of France’s major industries because of its flat terrain and warm temperature. In the other hand, France is a leading producer of wines as well as chemical products, energy products, steel, cement, luxury goods, etc. The culture of France has deeply influenced that of the entire Western Europe, particularly in the areas of art and letters, and Paris has been regarded as the fountainhead of French culture. France first attained cultural preeminence in Europe during the Middle Ages. During 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries, monarchs assembled Europe’s most talented artists and artisans. Wealth also created a leisure class, which had both the time and the means for developing elegance in dress, manners, furnishings, and architecture. However, French culture is derived from an ancient civilization of a complex mix of Celtic, Greco-Roman, and Germanic elements. The time period when ancient people first faced a civilized culture is the period of Roman occupation. Romans left numerous numbers of exquisite monuments and sculptures that people adapted most of Roman culture. Again, the movement of people, goods, and ideas plays a significant role in French culture.

The theme of place also influenced French culture as well as the movement. France has a predominantly temperate climate, and because of that, France is famous for its foods. France is located mid-way between the equator and the North Pole, thus this gives France a temperate climate. France’s terrain is mostly flat plains or gently rolling hills in north and west, and because of this France became the largest agricultural producer. About two-thirds of French farm income comes from meat and dairy animals. On the grasslands farmers generally raise cattle, and they always raise some chickens and hogs. France’s major natural resources like bauxite and iron ore are also very popular in the world, however, France’s most important natural resources are fertile soils that take up over 90 percent of France’s land area. The richest farmlands lie in the north, where wheat and sugar beets are chief crops. The rainier northwest region consists mainly of grasslands, used for grazing cattle, and orchards. France is bordered by four big seas – North Sea, English Channel, Atlantic Ocean, and Mediterranean Sea, and this also gives a reason why French people enjoy various kinds of food with red or white wines. Many fleets operate from Brittany and Normandy, and seafood taken includes cod, crabs, lobsters, monkfish, mussels, oysters, Pollock, sardines, scallops, tuna, and whiting. Also, The Mediterranean coast includes the popular tourist area, the French Riviera. Its hot, dry summers and mild winters make it a popular beach area. It is a good way to understand how the theme of place affects French culture in more ways that are not mentioned in this research.

Even in ancient time, people in France already knew how to deal with this gifted environment, and centuries of years later French people became eager to alter the environment to be more convenient. In the early years, people depended on the environment by living in an agricultural society. France has 33 percent of the arable land with 20 percent of permanent pastures. People adjusted to the environment by constructing buildings and transportation systems. The French railroad system, owned by the government, provides both passenger and freight service. France’s TGV’s are among the world’s fastest passenger trains. The development of transportation system also helps the movement of people and goods.

Finally, people modify the environment in many ways such as mining. For example, Iron ore is France’s most important mineral deposits that, and people can export it or trade it within the country. As people depended on, adapted to, interacted with their environment, people learned more about where they live, and they gradually changed their environment so it would fit them.

The theme of movement, place, and interaction they all affected French culture in many different ways. By migrating to France, trading things between countries, and sharing ideas, France has developed its own characteristics. The temperate climate and vast flat lands in France are also parts of the important geographic factors that could change the culture. Finally people in France depended on, adapted to, or modified the environment they have in order to live better lives. Geography affects culture in many ways that even almost every single part of the culture of a country was affected by its geography, and we all should keep that in mind for a better understanding of a culture of any country.

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Essay on Linux vs Windows

Short Essay on Linux

There is much debate currently among IT professionals as to whether Linux’s total Cost of ownership (TCO) is lower than that of Windows or any other operating system. The debate is complicated by the wide variety of factors on which a comparison can be made. First, there are many flavors of Linux. Which distribution is being compared to what version of Windows can lead to widely varied answers. There is no simple preset formula for making the comparison.

For the home environment it would be simple to say that since Linux is available free, it must be cheaper that Windows. However, virtually every computer today comes equipped with a Windows operating system. Therefore one has to replace it with a Linux operating system. As described previously some machines are now available with just a Linux operating system. These will certainly be cheaper than a similarly equipped Windows based machine.

A second comparison can be made for someone considering upgrading their operating system from an older version of Windows such as Windows 95 or 98 to Windows XP.

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In this case a Windows XP upgrade costs about $100 where as a box version of Red Hat Linux 8.0 cost only $70 dollars. Many existing software programs that work under earlier versions of Windows will no longer function under Windows XP so the user is faced with buying new versions of this software. In this circumstance switching to Linux would be cost effective because there are certainly open source versions of virtually every program made for Windows. If the user switches to Linux and installs a program such as Wine, it is likely their existing Windows programs will continue to function.

For the home user, the decision to switch from Windows to Linux is a relatively minor cost consideration. However, for a small to medium size company with hundreds of desktop workstations, the cost consideration is a major issue. Again there is no simple comparison method and the calculation of a TCO is not trivial. For a commercial network comparison the calculation of TCO is very much affected by the functions Linux is performing, the number and type of servers, and the size of the network.

Most analysts do agree that the cost of acquiring the software is a minor element in the life cycle TCO of a Linux installation versus a Windows installation.

Many analysts would agree that the following list represents most of the factors that should be evaluated:

1. Cost of acquisition of software or licensing fees - this cost can vary over time if there is an annual license fee or if upgrades must be purchased (such as from Windows NT to Windows 2000 or XP)
2. Cost of trained and qualified administrators – it’s probably easier to fine a Windows MCSE’s than to fine an equivalently trained Linux administrator. Labor costs are a major component of life-cycle costs in TCO. This factor is used in other calculations as seen below.
3. Processing Units required – This is a complex factor to evaluate. This is heavily dependent on the type of network and traffic. One such study of web servers using Intel architecture concluded that a system running Red Hat Linux needed 7.4 servers per 100,000 hits as compared to Windows needing 7.6 servers per 100,000 hits5.
4. Processing Units per Administrator – the ability of the operating system to support administration is an important element. Some evaluations have argued that the number of workstations and/or servers that can be handled by one administrator under Linux is much greater than under Windows5. Related to this factor are the mean expected system failures per hour of operation. Some have argued that Linux is more stable thus requiring less intervention per hour that an equivalent Window system.

In one such evaluation of the economic impact of a decision to replace a Local Area Network designed to serve a 500 student system at a University6, it was concluded that switching to Unix based workstations and servers would save over $1.6 million in initial start-up costs and an additional $1.4 million in maintenance and replacement cost over a five year period.

Companies are warming up to Linux for a good reason: Linux offers them an alternative to the licensing fees and other drawbacks of proprietary software. However, many professionals caution against open-source's "hidden" costs of implementation arising from lack of qualified personnel to maintain and repair Linux installations. The ultimate cost of either choice, they say, may depend on the needs and resources of an individual business.

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Essay on Liberation of Women

New grounds are being broken for women in this century. Women are being ordained as ministers and priests and a new tone is being set for women that seek to lead congregations.

Some people believe that these women are carrying women’s liberation to far and are defying traditions that have been excluding women since the beginning. They believe that these women are being radical and disbanding away from the roots that our ancestors have instilled in America today. There have been many notions that have challenged that women may have been more “liberated” earlier in life than they are today. How did Christian women reguard their own status in what was frequently called the Jesus movement? Earlier in time before the Christian Church and theology people met informally to discuss and share their feelings on their faith.

Many churchs were based in peoples homes during this time and this gave women more freedom to speak. Christianity remained a underground religion because followers refused to worship their leader. Eventually it became a grounded religion when the Roman Emperor, Constantine made Christianity the state religion. Greeks were converted to Christianity by missionaries and much of the world where these women lived were the first to accept Christianity in large numbers. When did the hatred for women in the church officially start? The question remains were women made in the likeliness of God or merely as in the image. Do women actually have souls? A Christian Church Council debated this matter and the Roman Catholic priesthood barred women from the pulpit by using an argument introduced by Saint Thomas Aquinas.

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Yes
Karen L. King presents the Argument that “yes” Christianity did liberate women. Karen is a leading authority on women in ancient Christianity. She gives evidence from the bible that indicates the role Christianity played in womens lives during earlier times and states opinions on how this liberation played a key role as women became disciples and other roles that they put towards the church. King gives key examples of women’s roles in early Christianity and how they played different roles in the bible. Her first topic is women in the first century of Christianity. She portrays women after the death of Christ and how they played prominent roles after the movement King also tells the story of Mary Magdalene who was one of the most prominent women in the ancient church. She tells of other Christian women that include: The apostle, Thecia who was a virgin matyr converted by Paul, the Corinthian women, Phillips daughters and many more. King also gives a detailed account on early Christian women’s theology King states,” It needs to be inphasized that the formal elimination of women from official rules of institutional leadership did not eliminate women’s actual presence and importance to the Christian tradition although it certainly seriously damaged their capacity to contribute fully” (pg. 105) The evidence that she puts forward clearly brings her point across.

No
Karen Armstrong presents the argument that “no” Christianity did not liberate women. Karen is a professor of religion and she studies and believes that the Christian church was hostile towards women because of the fear of their sexual leadership within the church. She gives the negative argument and cultural attitudes toward women. Armstrong believes the downfall of women’s liberation started with the first woman of the bible Eve. Armstrong gives examples from the bible and states of things that are happening now that would lead her to believe that Christianity did not liberate women.

My Views
I believe that Christianity did liberate women. Christianity brought upon more ways that women could state their opinions freely and voice their view on secular things that were happening within the church. Christianity gave women more opportunities as ministers and head authorities in the church and allowed women to feel as if they could do everything a man could do and sometimes depends on the situation do it better.

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